2008年12月22日10時00分掲載  無料記事
http://www.nikkanberita.com/print.cgi?id=200812221000521

中国

民主・自由・人権を求め中国知識人ら303人が「08憲章」 弾圧覚悟でネットつうじ賛同者が増加

  「世界人権宣言」60周年の12月10日、中国の知識人ら303人が民主、自由、人権に基づく国づくりを提議した「08憲章」をインターネット上で公表し、世界の注目を集めた。発起人の一人、劉曉波氏は国家政権転覆扇動の疑いで逮捕され、多数の参加者と署名者が各地方の警察に事情聴取を受けたが、憲章に署名する内外中国人はその後も増えつづけている。「憲章」作成の経緯と劉氏逮捕の状況、この文書の歴史的意義についての署名者の発言を『亜洲週刊』が紹介している。(納村公子) 
 
 2008年12月10日、国連で「世界人権宣言」が可決されて60周年にあたる世界人権デーに、中国大陸の知識人世界から「08憲章」が公表された。それには有識者、弁護士、各界の専門家、一般の民衆、人権擁護者303名の署名がなされている。 
 
 約4000字のこの憲章は中国100年の歴史的経緯を振り返り、自由、人権、平等、平和、民主、立憲政治の基本的理念を主張し、中国の政治に民主化を推し進めることを主張し、勇気をもって公民の精神を実践し、憲法の改正、分権制度、公器の公用、人権の保障、連邦共和、正義を始め19項目の具体的主張を提示し、一日もはやい自由、民主、立憲政治の国家を打ち立てることを呼びかけた。 
 
 最初に署名した303人には、徐友漁、賀衛方、張鳴、艾曉明、沙葉新、余世存、傅国湧、冉雲飛、査建英、李大同、鮑?、丁子霖、曾金燕、鄭恩寵など多くの著名人、有識者の精鋭が名をつらね、各界の専門家や人権派弁護士、人権擁護者、労働者、農民、学生が入っている。最長老は92歳の李普氏、最年少は22歳。署名者の多くはこの憲章が穏健な表現だと考えている。ところが、インターネットを通じてひろまったこの「憲章」は当局を震え上がらせた。 
 
 12月8日夜11時、「08憲章」はまだ公表前だった。「憲章」の発起人の一人で、著名な憲法学者の張祖樺と、同じく発起人の一人、インディペンデントの作家(訳注:作家聯盟に入っていない「在野」の作家)劉曉波が時を同じくして当局から召喚された。12時間後、祖樺は無事帰宅したが、劉曉波はいまだ消息不明である。 
 
 かつて中国共産党中央機関共青団委員会書記、共青団中央委員を務めた張祖樺氏が本誌に語ったところによると、8日の23時、20数名の警官が北京市公安局のサインのある召喚状と捜査令状を持って家に現れた。このうち一部の人員は北京市国家安全保衛総隊の隊員だった。張祖樺氏は北京市万寿路派出所に連行されて事情聴取され、家のパソコン4台、書籍、個人の手紙、さらに銀行カード、通帳などを持っていかれたという。 
 
 「彼らが主として聞いたのは08憲章参加の具体的状況と、どのようにしてつくったのかということだった。私はひたすら反問した。胡錦涛、温家宝は公民には表現する権利があると言っていると、憲法には公民に言論の自由があり、政府に意見を言うことができるとしてある、どこに違法性があるのかと。彼らは答えなかった。国家安全保衛総隊の隊員もこっそり、この宣言はよく書けていると言っていた。事情聴取は穏やかな雰囲気で行われ、全部で12時間、9日午前11時ごろ私は家に帰された」とのこと。 
 
 張祖樺氏は89年の天安門事件で学生運動を支持したために職位を剥奪され、それ以後立憲政治の研究を続けている。 
「劉曉波は私と同じ時間に警察に連行された」と張祖樺氏は言う。「私に見せられたのは召喚状だったが、劉曉波に出されたのは、妻の劉霞によると、『刑事拘留』という文字のある証書だったということだ」。二人の罪状は「国家政権転覆扇動の疑い」である。 
 
 劉曉波氏と妻の劉霞氏のパソコン3台、個人の手紙と大量の書籍が持ち去られた。劉霞氏はいまも夫の消息を知らされていない。中華人民共和国の『刑事訴訟法』第64条によれば、刑事拘留を行う機関は24時間以内に拘留した人の家族または所属組織に通知しなければならないと定められている。この記事が発信される時点でいまだ劉曉波氏の消息はわかっていない。12月10日には、温克堅氏ら多数の参加者と署名者が各地方の警察に事情聴取を受けた。 
 
▽憲章は予定をはやめて発表された 
 
 張祖樺氏、劉曉波氏が拘留された後、10日、ネット上に「08憲章」全文が掲載された。同日、中国のウエブサイトでは関連の書き込みが削除された。 
 
 「08憲章」は、前言、基本理念、基本主張、結びの4部分で構成されている。その内容は「長期にわたる人権侵害と苦難の抗争のプロセスを経験し、目覚めた中国公民は自由、平等、人権が人類共通の普遍的価値であること、民主、共和、立憲政治が現代の政治の基本的制度であることを認識するにいたった。こうした普遍的価値と基本的政治制度から離れた『近代化』は人間の権利を奪い、人間性を腐らせ、人としての尊厳を打ち砕く災害のプロセスである」とし、21世紀の中国は権威による統治の「近代化」なのか、それとも「普遍的価値を認め、主流の文明に融合し、民主政権を打ち立てることを認める」のか、我々は「避けられない選択」を迫られているという。 
 
 なぜ2008年を選んで宣言を行ったのか、発起人の一人、張祖樺氏は本誌にその動機を話した。「2008年は中国の立憲100年にあたり、『民主の壁』誕生から30年、そして改革開放政策30周年にあたる。もともと歴史的契機の年だ。30年の改革開放を振り返るにあたり、民間社会として決して官側の独占的解釈を許すことはできない。また中国が向かう未来と改革について、民間社会はニヒリズムを続けていてはいけない、批判だけにとどまってはならないのである。我々ははっきりと意思表明を行い、意見を申し立てなければならない。そこでこうした宣言文として立場を表明した。これは署名に参加したすべての公民の立場だ」 
 
 張祖樺氏は時間をかけて憲章を準備し、9月、オリンピックが終わったころから草案をつくり、11月、ある範囲内で意見を集めた。「歴史的文献を見れば、チェコスロバキアの『憲章77』があり、イギリスの憲章運動、アメリカのマグナカルタがある。こうした世界の自由民主を推進した文献を鑑とした」 
 
 歴史的文献が「08憲章」に理論的な手本となったが、その姿勢は、ほとんどの署名者が穏健で理性的で実務的だと考えている。最初に署名した一人、ジャーナリストで人権擁護者のZan[処の下に日]愛宗氏はこう述べた。「この憲章が提示した民主、自由、人権、立憲政治、報道の自由、信仰の自由、軍の国有化、シビリアン・コントロール、世界の普遍的価値などに私は賛同する。とくに現在の都市と農村とに分けられた戸籍制度がもたらした差別から、都市と農村の公民の権利を平等にすることについては我々が常々言ってきたことだ。だから署名に同意した」 
 
 四川省の学者、冉雲飛氏は11月、郵便で「08憲章」への意見を求める書類を受け取ったとき、まったくためらうことなくサインした。「どの条文も賛同できるものだ、当然サインした。この文章は非常に理性的であり、中国社会のことを心から思い、非暴力的で穏健な姿勢があり、権力を尊重し傲慢なところがない。これは知識人たち自身の進歩だ」 
 
 署名者の一人、中国人民大学政治学教授の張鳴氏は、この憲章は最も基本的な理念を伝えていると考えている。「憲法の条項を実現化すればこうなる。何も特別なことではない」とのこと。だから、劉曉波が逮捕されたことに、張教授は非常に驚いた。 
 
 天安門運動の「四君子」の一人、著名な学者、周舵氏も署名者の一人だ。周氏は、この憲章はよい時期に発表されたとしながらも、劉曉波氏を拘留するというやり方は実に愚かだとした。 
 「中国の政治体制の改革は遅々として進まず、一歩進んでは退歩し、体制内の悪い勢力が拡大しつつある」「2008年は矛先を体制内の悪い勢力、保守勢力に照準を合わせ、徹底的にたたく時期にあたっている。そうでなければ、改革の公約は多いのに実体があまりに少ない。改良と革命は両輪の車、改良がはやすぎれば車はひっくり返る。遅すぎれば革命によって統制のきかない軌道に乗って、やはりひっくり返ってしまうだろう。我々はいまこそやらなければならないと思っている」「来年は天安門事件から20年、見解があってしかるべきだ」 
 
 憲章が出された翌日、海外の中国系の学者や各界人士から積極的な反応があった。余英時氏、哈金らは署名入りの公開書簡で「08憲章」を支持した。その公開書簡によると「08憲章」は「民間の政治的見解を組織的に示した、近年まれに見る表現だ」としている。人々に「中国民間の権利意識の目覚め、大きな勇気と壮大なる力」を見せ、「中国当局が社会の声を聞き、民意を直視し、善をもって対処し、『憲章』が提唱する制度改革を行う」ことを希望していると。 
 
 署名に参加した海外の人々には、余英時、哈金、胡平、陳志武、傅希秋、Gong[龍の下に共]小夏、何清lian[さんずい連]、王丹、香港の立法議会議員の劉慧卿、香港ジャーナリスト協会前主席の麦燕庭らがいる。この時点で「08憲章」に署名をした内外の人々は600人を超えた。 
 
原文=『亜洲週刊』08/12/21号 張潔平記者 
翻訳=納村公子 
 
*「08憲章」の日本語訳文は下記のサイトにあります。 
http://blog.goo.ne.jp/sinpenzakki/e/597ba5ce0aa3d216cfc15f464f68cfd2 
 
*「08憲章」の中国語原文 
 
余英时等海外华人学者就国内各界发布的“零八宪章”的声明 
日前,国内300多名各界人士发佈了“零八宪章”,就中国的国事及走向作出全面的建设性宣示。 

 
我们注意到,此宪章的签署者涵盖中国各界人士,包括体制内自由人士、体制外的异见人士和草根维权人士,是近年来罕见的民间政见之集合性表达,让我们看到中国民间的权利意识之觉醒、勇气之提升和力量之壮大。作为海外各界华人,我们为之一振。
 
 
签署者一本中华文化天下兴亡、匹夫有责的传统,又基于理性、独立、权利与责任之现代公民精神,廓清历史,正视现实,展望未来,所言切中时弊,主张客观中允。
 
 
对此,我们深表钦佩, 对宪章之各项主张深表赞同。
 近三十年来,中共官方一改给中华民族带来诸多灾难的“以阶级斗争为纲”的施政方针,实行改革开放政策,还公民以部分自由,由此造就中国的经济发展,令人宽慰。但在政治上,当局依旧坚持专制,垄断新闻,控制司法,各种社会利益无法正常表达,权力缺乏必要的监督,乃至于腐败盛行,贫富分化,道沦丧,环境坏毁,公正不彰,社会冲突不断,暴力事件时有所闻,长此以往,中华民族的未来实在堪忧。因此,我们又深感不安。
 
 
值此世纪之初,回首百年中华现代历程,其中之歧误挫折和奋斗牺牲,我们有诸多感喟。对“宪章”所言“自由不昌,则中国距现代文明尚远矣”,深以为然。如何汲取教益,把握时机,让中华民族能在本世纪迈上现代文明的康庄之路,于内达成社会安祥,族群和睦,人民幸福;对外主持正义,于人类福祉有所贡献。这既取决于新兴的公民社会之努力,亦有赖于执政者的远见智识,能否适时开启社会对话之门,加速制度更新,振衰起弊,清明司法,还政于民,以期化戾气为祥和,消祸乱于潜隐,为民族的良性发展奠定不颓之基趾。
 
在此,我们特发表声明,以示我们对国内各位公民先进的支持。
 
 
与此同时,我们呼吁华人各界与国际社会给与关注,也希望中国当局能倾听社会之呼声,正视民意,从善如流,启动“宪章”所倡言的制度改革。
 
如此,则人民幸矣,民族幸矣,世界亦幸矣。
 
 
海外签名名单:
 
 (第一批58人,以姓名字母为序)
 蔡咏梅 (香港,《开放》杂志执行编辑)
 陈奎(美国,《纵览中国》主编)
 陈小平(美国,《中国法律文摘》主编)
 陈 彦 (法国,巴黎大学博士)
 陈一咨 (美国,前中国经济体制改革研究所所长)
 陈志武 (美国,耶鲁大学教授)
程晓农 (美国,《当代中国研究》主编)
 程映虹 (美国, 拉华州立大学教授)
 方励之 (美国,亚利桑那大学教授)
 冯爱玲,(香港,支联会)
 冯崇义 (澳大利亚,悉尼科技大学教授)
 傅希秋 (美国,宗教学者)
 高文谦 (美国,中国现代史学者)
 龚小夏 (美国,哈佛大学博士)
 郭罗基 (美国,哈佛大学法学院资深研究员)
 哈 金 (美国,作家)
 何清涟 (美国,经济学者)
 胡 平 (美国,《北京之春》主编)
 金 钟(香港,《开放》杂志总编辑)
 康正果 (美国,耶鲁大学学者)
 孔捷生 (美国,作家)
 李进进 (美国, 威斯康星大学法学博士)
 廖天 (美国,编辑)
 刘慧卿 (香港,立法会议员,中国维权律师关注组副主席)
 麦燕庭 (香港, 前香港记者协会主席)
 潘嘉伟,(香港,中国维权律师关注组执行秘书)
 齐墨 (国,报人)
 邱跃首(澳大利亚, 中国和解智库海外联络人)
 萨冲(义大利,工程师)
 邵 江 (英国,西敏寺大学政治学博士候选人)
 盛 雪 (加拿大,麦克马斯特大学住校作家)
 司徒华 (香港,支联会主席)
 宋永毅 (美国,加州大学教授)
 苏 炜 (美国,耶鲁大学学者)
 苏晓康 (美国,作家)
 孙丰(法国,作家)
 万润南 (美国, 前四通公司总裁)
 王 丹 (美国,哈佛大学博士)
 王军涛 (美国,哥伦比亚大学政治学博士)
 王书君 旅美中国现代史学者
 王天成 (美国,哥伦比亚大学访问学者)
 吴国光 (加拿大,维多利亚大学讲座教授)
 武宜三(香港,五七学社)
 夏明 (美国,纽约市立大学教授)
 项小吉 (美国, 哥伦比亚大学法学硕士)
 萧振仪 (香港,媒体工作者)
 余英时 (美国,克鲁格人文奖得主,普林斯顿讲座教授,中研院院士)
 严家祺 (美国, 学者)
 杨建利 (美国,哈佛大学资深研究员)
 杨力宇 (美国,西东大学资深教授)
 张 灏 (美国, 中研院院士)
 张郎郎 (美国, 作家)
 张 炜 (英国,牛津大学经济学博士)
 张伟国 (美国,《动向》主编)
 张 伦 (法国,高等社会科学院社会学博士)
 郑宇硕 (香港, 城市大学讲座教授)
 郑 义 (美国,独立中文笔会会长)
 锺祖康(挪威,作家) 
严家其(纽约 学者)
杨建利 (波士顿 哈佛大学高级研究员)
王军涛(美国 宪政学者)
王丹 (美国 学者)
胡平(美国 政论作家)
蔡楚 (美国 诗人)
一平 (美国 作家)
张晓刚(澳大利亚 作家)
吴仁华(美国洛杉矶,民主人士)
徐文立 (流亡美国,布朗大学资深研究员)
周健(美国 学者)
北风(广州独立媒体人)
彭定鼎(北京 学者)
武宜三(香港五七学社)
孟 浪 (香港 作家 编辑)
莫逢杰(美国洛杉矶,民主人士)
吕京花 ( 纽约 人权工作者)
王犀利(香港 企业雇员)
周克成(北京 网络编辑)
殷海明 (广东 工程师)
高寒(纽约 政治流亡者)
 武文建(北京 画家)
王天成(北京 宪政学者)
袁红冰 (澳大利亚 法学家)
杨青顺 (山西 煤矿工人)
林恩惠 (日本 学生)
曾丽 (四川 维权人士)
鲁扬( 山东 诗人)
付爱国 (云南 商人)
牛军 (西安 记者)
李东 (北京 环保人士)
曾建元 (台湾中華大學行政管理學系助理教授)
吴金铭 (中国 中华复兴党主席)
郑存柱 (洛杉矶,安徽商人,民主人士)
陈明 (无锡 化学工程师)
吴小苏 (民主人士)
梁学以(河南 农民)
周日新 ( 长沙 自由职业 思想家)
刘勇健 (南京 自由职业者)
邓怡之(龙江,大学生)
朱志军(江西,教师)
張三一言 (香港 時政評論者)
齐墨 (国,报人)
陈树辉( 海南 公民)
胡永武(浙江,工程师。)
张容公 (北京 媒体从业者)
艾鸽(诗人作家兼画家)
陶君 (美国 民主人士)
黄宁宇 (温哥华 医生)
陈弘莘 (澳大利亚 中国问题研究学者 作家)
贾晓林(山西 学者)
董起飞(北京 IT从业者)
孙蔡章 (福建 教师)
徐康 (湖北 企业主管)
李恒 (重庆荣昌 学生)
何于(陕西 工程师)
张本真(日本东京 记者)
王雍罡(芬兰 流亡人士)
周国华(江西 文艺工作者)
王仲夏(北京 自由知识人)
李小霞(山东 自由职业)
文建武(北京 画家)
杨青顺 (山西 煤矿职工)
文强(四川 作家)
许晖 (北京 作家)
吴孟谦(浙江 职员)
张建勋 (上海)
张康生(河北邯郸 自由职业)
周露(广州 职员)
左锋 (湖南 工人)
王存军 (四川 商人)
梁学以 (河南 农民)
李翰飞(江苏南京 工程师)
黄河清(西班牙 自由撰稿人)
张操(福建设计师)
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曹公行(北京 思考者)
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冯三七(广州 翻译)
邓怡之(龙江 大学生)
灵歌(山西 职员)
郝志芳(河北 职员)
张剑威(湖南 自由职业)
枉成明(四川 推动民主实践者)
李显锋(南昌 记者)
李雷(天津 工程师)
江安童(江西 教师)
何汝南(江苏 工人)
曾节明(湖南 记者)
慈天元(江苏 交通人士)
胡敬(重庆 下岗工人)
彭璋琼(湖南 自由职业者)
李窮茵碧無 自由职业者)
 张再新 (北京 企业)
段国栋(山西,教师)
吴黎明(维权人士)
黄志峰 (厦门 公民)
刘子扬 (龙江 学生)
王辉 (安徽 民间思考者)
张霄(内蒙古,职员)
陆如苗( 江苏省 职员)
沈曙光 (芜湖 律师)
郑褚(北京 记者)
周拥平(北京 副教授)
熊远文(湖北 工人)
王 俊(湖北 护士)
王家海(湖北 技术员)
孙长富(湖北 农民)
赵炜玮 (上海 翻译)
邵江 (英国 学生 )
纪晓澜 (北京 维权人士)
萨冲(意大利 工程师)
赵克 ( 上海 学者)
李政锦 (河南 程序员)
桂世垠(北京 建筑师)
陈晓昶 (宁夏 民主人士)
许童童(广东 社会活动者)
马金龙 (吉林 维权者)
张俊伦(云南 自由职业)
胡发全 (湖北 企业主)
聂林华 (湖北 工人)
李生林 (湖北 企业主)
赵金成 (湖北 农民)
沈剑辉 (山东 军人)
雷跃辉(江西 自由撰稿人 遭当局限制出境人员)
吴敖祺 (北京 NGO人士)
杨民道 (北京 公民)
邢东海 (湖北 农民工)
乔治(澳洲 华侨)
王金龙 ( 陕西 农民)
和成光 (云南 自由职业者)
陆学华 (福建 自由midi音乐制作人)
吴敖祺 (北京,NGO人士)
杨民道(北京 公民)
李啸天 (北京 传媒从业者)
华乔 (上海 摄影师)
楼尚友 (宁波, 工程师)
张振新 (湖北 农民)
徐承恩 (香港 研究生)
胡宏卿 (国慕尼 电子工程师)
龚道斌 (湖北 农民)
李啸天 (北京 传媒从业者)
张克存 (安徽 工程师)
郑丽华 (湖北 职员) 
陈 平 (湖北 职员)
华乔 (上海摄影师)
徐震(上海 企划)
陈绪文 (湖北 教师)
陈银清 (湖北 工人)
陆文(作家,江苏)
陈泱潮(丹麦,政治流亡者)
劉泰 (香港 民運人士)
子牛(辽宁 IT从业者)
穆家峪(重庆 公民力量)
胡晓玲(浙江,民间人士)
汪雪娥(浙江,民间人士)
朱瑛娣(浙江,维权人士)
曹贵(北京 自由职业者)
幸清贤 (成都 维权人士)
赵春 (龙江 下岗工人)
郑道义(浙江,学生)
王俊臣(浙江,学生)
楼尚友(宁波 工程师)
梅玉涛 (湖北 运动受害者)
藾壷拭癖〃 工人)
刘明江 (辽宁 投资顾问)
阿丁 ( 北京 记者)
盛雪(加拿大,记者、作家)
姜东君 (山东,政治难民)
刁敏恒(上海 职员)
熊玉生(湖北 自由职业者)
李彦修(北京,画家)
赵洪轩(四川 失业者)
高文谦(美国,学者)
王绍利 (北京 建筑师)
王浩宇(湖南 维权人士)
张菁 (贵州,民主人士)
吴郁 (贵州,自由撰稿人)
李果 (贵州,自由撰稿人)
陶传兵 (湖北 农民)
莫言(河南 自由职业)
隗光秀 (湖北 个体户)
刘京生(北京 自由职业)
黄扬均 (湖北 个体户)
黄文权 (湖北 维权人士)
陈用杰 (湖北 农民)
关银章 (湖北 企业主)
马驰 (北京 自由经理人)
梁文道 (香港 評論人)
牟庭萱 (重庆,诗人)
权兴巍 (四川,自由职业人)
林家弘(福建 诗人)
张华 (上海 工人)
孙亚(河南,艾滋病工作者)
申智奇(河北,艾滋病工作者)
Hengqing Li (美国华盛顿DC,会计师)
程施然(江西 学生)
彭茂琳(重庆,艾滋病工作者)
张利霞(河南,艾滋病工作者)
朱龙伟(河南,艾滋病工作者
韩杰生 (波士顿 教授)
杨旭 (深圳 律师)
王剑锋 (浙江 民主人士)
严清金 (湖北 教师)
彭大平 (湖北 农民)
任泉 (武汉 学生)
张弛 ( 重庆 教师)
彭宣元 (湖北 企业主)
鲁生斌 (湖北 农民)
彭晓新 (湖北 企业主)
樊钧益(湖南 义工)
李家林 (湖北 农民)
姜力钧(辽宁 民主人士)
胡尧(澳大利亚)
许毅 (美国,民主党员)
周亚辉( 澳洲 经济学者)
杨仲侠 (南京, 教师)
陈立群 (美国 中国民主党党员)
阮杰 (澳大利亚 民主人士)
杨泓(重庆 教师)
沈继忠(上海,民主人士)
陈梦龙(四川省 社会工作专业学生)
戴学忠(上海,民主人士)
夏一凡(日本 民运人士)
王志伟(湖南宜昌 自由职业)
崔子恩(北京 独立电影导演)
戴学武(上海,民主人士)
南望 (河南 民主人士)
王成伦(北京 设计师)
王雨(四川 无业)
王白石(辽宁 农民)
杨勤恒(上海,民主人士)
李国涛(上海,自由撰稿人)
应承安(上海,退休高级工程师,民主人士)
何永全(上海,自由撰稿人)
韩立法(上海,民主人士)
金济生(上海,民主党派人士)
桑坚城(上海,退休工人,民主人士)
章华麟(上海,民主人士)
淡志华(上海,民主人士)
塔石阿卡(浙江 商人)
万涛(南昌 自由职业)
倪建中(浙江 维权公民)
侯冰(石家庄 IT从业者)
高晓亮(上海,工人,民主人士)
姚开文(上海,教师,民主人士)
傅申平(美国,上海民主人士)
梁诚谦 (湖北 个体户)
徐兵娥 (湖北 农民)
彭齐芝 (湖北 农民)
罗弟华 (北京 自由职业)
周秋虎 (湖北 农民)
潘芳虎 (湖北 农民)
汤贤军 (湖北 农民)
王四海(湖北 机关职员)
陈于庭 (湖北 企业主)
蔡桂华(美国,上海民主人士)
陈龙 (浙江 诗人)
孙一权(北京,研究生)
李彦修(北京 画家)
常乐(陕西 教师)
刘东星 (美国,民主党党员)
陈东合(美国,民主党党员)
刘洪成(美国,民主党党员)
巩风玲(美国,民主党党员)
张明(湖北 自由撰稿人)
毛庆祥(浙江 民主人士)
林仁兴(美国,民主党党员)
林书武 (美国,民主党党员)
林炜 (美国,民主党党员)
林晓(美国,民主党党员)
林学琴(美国,民主党党员)
魏玲(北京 医生)
老谬(湖南 独立博客)
原森(江苏 学生)
钱毫(浙江 学生)
曾卫韶(广东 农民)
Ling Wei(美国纽约)
Qing xing(美国纽约)
 林依兰(美国,民主党党员)
林宜根 林殷(美国,民主党党员)
林贞芬(美国,民主党党员)
万小云(湖北 农民)
余桃珍(湖北 农民
关贤章 (湖北 农民)
熊振耀(湖南 自由职业)
陆明峰(北京 学生)
王健(上海 工程师)
刘寄奴(甘肃 教师)
杨风明(重庆 退休工人)
施灵娟(江苏 民主人士)
王风行(独立摄影师)
万刚华(江西 公民)
汪明 (上海 民主人士)
石刚(内蒙 自由职业者)
黄楚玉 (湖北 教师)
陈云 (湖北 农民)
邱明主 (湖北 农民)
朱华 (哈尔斌 学生)
周凌(北京 IT从业者)
何菊娣(浙江 退休工人)
王洪泰(浙江 退休工人)
杨俊(深圳 网络工程师)
余思伟(浙江 区政府司机)
何健(上海 IT从业者)
任复兴(山西 高级记者)
幸清贤(维权人士)
李二平(龙江 教师)
赵震锋(山东省冠县 公民)
罗世模(四川自贡维权人士)
黄锡禄(四川自贡维权人士)
张玉华(四川自贡维权人士)
陈怀玉(四川自贡维权人士)
缪群芳(四川自贡维权人士)
林正聪(四川自贡维权人士)
晏发富(四川自贡维权人士)
曾孝风(四川自贡维权人士)
晏永君(四川自贡维权人士)
蛞鑫(四川 大学教授)
吴召玉(四川自贡维权人士)
余志华(浙江省 基督徒)
风小石(上海 IT系统架构师)
李昌荣(浙江,基督徒)
赵春(龙江 下岗工人)
孟令钊 (河北 工程师)
曹瑞(湖南 学生)
徐绍华(上海 高级工程师)
程人(北京 教师)
王振华(四川 编辑)
邢海涛(上海 企业职工)
杜智富(加拿大 通讯工程师)
张振中(河南新乡 农民学者)
高文谦(美国 学者)
杨洋(重庆 农民)
赵振中(广东 大学生)
徐敦楷(重庆 职员)
顾成宇(浙江 医生)
徐勇振(北京 IT职员)
刘涛(山东 工程师)
林卓浩(广西 无业)
马驰(北京 职业经理人)
采真子(四川 宗教人士)
涂相铭(江西 人权捍卫者)
任铭(广东 自由职业)
孙尧(北京 学生)
韩联潮(美国 律师)
王剑(成都 自由职业)
陶达士(广东 学者)
王冬(北京 视觉设计师)
光之潜(新疆 自由撰稿人)
万生(法国巴黎 自由撰稿人)
李哲之(广东 自由斗士)
郭国汀(加拿大 人权律师)
夏沐阳(湖北 学生)
程微明(福建 网商)
张鹤(上海 工程师)
王雷(北京 工程师)
曹金陶(美国 翻译)
曹次併馆业者)
郑钢清(美国 装修业者)
李长军(美国 装修业者)
黄臣辉(美国餐馆工人)
曹晓军(美国 学生)
林成勇(美国餐馆工人)
曹芳(美国餐馆工人)
曹立锋(美国餐馆工人)
游聘婷(美国餐馆工人)
朱发顺(美国餐馆工人)
施建华(美国餐馆工人)
曹奋飞(美国餐馆工人)
许英爱(美国餐馆工人)
殷周军(美国餐馆工人)
张元石(美国餐馆工人)
陈安(美国餐馆工人)
陈玉清(美国餐馆工人)
付小虹(美国餐馆工人)
古峻峰(美国餐馆工人)
陈一谘(美国 学者)
施晓晖(香港 教师)
涂纯(美国 生物学家)
任喜军(北京 公民)
李祥正(湖北 工程师)
李雪梅(北京 教师)
许兴(山西 学生)
汪伟峰(杭州 策划人)
赵椿(浙江 医生)
张耀(四川 留学生)
谢金文(北京 媒体人)
杨巍(纽约 法师助理)
王海峰(北京 自由职业者)
唐芝云(南非 报社前总编辑)
王宁(内蒙古 记者)
潘永忠(国 民主中国阵线)
费良勇(民主中国阵线主席)
周京超(奥地利 留学生)
张建民(山东商人)
肖潇(北京 公民)
陈振康(挪威 政治流亡者)
孙亚( 河南 爱滋病工作者)
申智奇( 爱滋病工作者)
彭茂琳(重庆 爱滋病工作者)
张利霞( 河南 爱滋病工作者)
朱龙伟( 河南 爱滋病工作者)
马岁青(江苏 政府工作人员)
杨易(美国明尼苏达州 博士研究生)
艾鸽(法国 诗人兼画家)
Dr.stephen (英国 社会工人)
邱国权(四川省 工程师)
吴嗣瑜(加拿大 自由撰稿人)
蔡小林(北京 工程师)
宋天明(山西 退休干部)
汉心(贵州 学者)
陈小平(美国 法学博士候选人)
李重生(广东 民工)
刘平(广西 自由职业)
涂鹏飞(国多特蒙多 学生)
程凯(美国加州 记者)
Kenneth J Xu(美国 高级工程师 博士)
彭福兰(加拿大 工人)
杨承民(美国 教授)
倪震(四川 自由职业)
周亚辉(澳洲 经济学家)
吴有望(美国 工程师)
张浩(陕西 学生)
任志红(山西 工人)
黄振兴(广东 民主人士)
杨泓(重庆 教师)
沈继忠(上海 民主人士)
戴学忠(上海 民主人士)
戴学武(上海 民主人士)
杨勤恒(上海 民主人士)
李国涛(上海 自由撰稿人)
应承安(上海 退休高级工程师)
何永全(上海 自由撰稿人)
韩立法(上海 民主人士)
金济生(上海 民主党派人士)
桑坚城(上海 退休工人 民主人士)
章华鳞(上海民主人士)
淡志华(上海 民主人士)
刘国慧 (山东 企业职工)
高晓亮(上海 工人)
姚开文(上海 教师 民主人士)
傅申平(美国 上海民主人士)
蔡桂华(上海 民主人士)
檀盛(广州 现供职咨询公司) 
 
*劉曉波氏の釈放を求めるIndependent Chinese PEN Centre's の緊急声明と「08憲章」の英訳 
 
Independent Chinese PEN Centre's Urgent Statement on the Detention of Prominent Dissident Writer Dr. Liu Xiaobo 
10 December, 2008 
Independent Chinese PEN Centre (ICPC) has been outraged over the detention of Dr. Liu Xiaobo, its former President and current Board member as well as one of most prominent dissident writers in China, who was arrested on 8 December 2008. Among a number of dissidents who have been detained or harassed in recent days. Dr. Liu has been still held by the police for “suspicion of inciting subversion of State power” while others have since been released. The incident is reportedly related to the eventual publication of Charter 08 (see attached), to which Dr. Liu is one of over 300 cosigners. 
This incident happened on the eve of Human Rights Day on10 December, the 60th Anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This year of 2008 also sees the 110th Anniversary of China’s Wuxu Political Reform, the 100th Anniversary of China’s first Constitution, and also the 10th Anniversary of China’s signing of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. At such a memorable moment of the historical events, the detention of Dr. Liu Xiaobo, a human rights defender, can only arouse angers in people. ICPC hence makes its strongest protest and urges the Chinese government to release Mr. Liu Xiaobo immediately and unconditionally. 
Dr. Liu Xiaobo, with a principle of peace and ration, has made longtime efforts for the realization of basic human rights in China, including freedom of speech and freedom of press. As a result, he has received endless harassments from the Chinese authorities and has often been put into mandatory house arrests, several times into prisonment, which seriously violates the universally recognized basic human rights and goes opposite to the social harmony concept proposed by the Chinese government. ICPC calls on people from all sectors of Chinese society and international community to pay close attentions to and express serious concerns about this incident. 
 
ICPC is one 145 centers of International PEN is a world association of writers fightng for and defend freedom of expression, including freedom to write and publish, and has been making strenuous efforts for the realization of the freedoms in China and in all related fields of Chinese writings. For more information in Chinese, please visit www.chinesepen.org 
Independent Chinese PEN Centre 
------------------------ 
English Translation of Charter 08 
 
(Chinese Human Rights Defenders, December 10, 2008) – A group of Chinese 
citizens launched Charter 08 (零八宪章) to mark the International Human 
Rights Day and the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human 
Rights. This English translation of Charter 08, authorized by its drafters, 
is now available on the website of New York Review of Books (NYRB). CHRD has 
obtained the permission of NYRB to include the full text of the translation 
in this press release. 
 
One signatory to the Charter, Liu Xiaobo (刘晓波), a prominent dissident 
intellectual, remains in police custody after he was taken away from his 
home on October 8. Another signatory and main author of Charter 08, Zhang 
Zuhua (张祖桦), was interrogated for 12 hours and released yesterday 
morning. On December 9 Jiang Qisheng (江棋生), a scientist, was questioned 
for signing the Charter. Also on December 9, Pu Zhiqiang (浦志强), another 
signatory to the Charter and a Beijing lawyer, was closely followed and his 
movement restricted by the police. 
 
CHRD believes that Liu is detained solely for peacefully exercising his 
freedom of expression. CHRD asks the international community to raise 
concerns about Liu's arbitrary detention and demand his immediate release. 
 
 
Charter 08 
 
Translated from the Chinese by Perry Link 
 
The document below, signed by over three hundred prominent Chinese citizens, 
was conceived and written in conscious admiration of the founding of Charter 
77 in Czechoslovakia, where, in January 1977, more than two hundred Czech 
and Slovak intellectuals formed a loose, informal, and open association of 
people... united by the will to strive individually and collectively for 
respect for human and civil rights in our country and throughout the world. 
 
The Chinese document calls not for ameliorative reform of the current 
political system but for an end to some of its essential features, including 
one-party rule, and their replacement with a system based on human rights 
and democracy. 
 
The prominent citizens who have signed the document are from both outside 
and inside the government, and include not only well-known dissidents and 
intellectuals, but also middle-level officials and rural leaders. They have 
chosen December 10, the anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human 
Rights, as the day on which to express their political ideas and to outline 
their vision of a constitutional, democratic China. They intend "Charter 08" 
to serve as a blueprint for fundamental political change in China in the 
years to come. The signers of the document will form an informal group, 
open-ended in size but united by a determination to promote democratization 
and protection of human rights in China and beyond. 
 
On December 8 two prominent signers of the Charter, Zhang Zuhua and Liu 
Xiaobo, were detained by the police. Zhang Zuhua has since been released; as 
of December 9, Liu Xiabo remains in custody. 
 
I. Foreword 
 
A hundred years have passed since the writing of China's first constitution. 
2008 also marks the sixtieth anniversary of the promulgation of the 
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the thirtieth anniversary of the 
appearance of Democracy Wall in Beijing, and the tenth of China's signing of 
the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. We are approaching 
the twentieth anniversary of the 1989 Tiananmen massacre of pro-democracy 
student protesters. The Chinese people, who have endured human rights 
disasters and uncountable struggles across these same years, now include 
many who see clearly that freedom, equality, and human rights are universal 
values of humankind and that democracy and constitutional government are the 
fundamental framework for protecting these values. 
 
By departing from these values, the Chinese government's approach to 
"modernization" has proven disastrous. It has stripped people of their 
rights, destroyed their dignity, and corrupted normal human intercourse. So 
we ask: Where is China headed in the twenty-first century? Will it continue 
with "modernization" under authoritarian rule, or will it embrace universal 
human values, join the mainstream of civilized nations, and build a 
democratic system? There can be no avoiding these questions. 
 
The shock of the Western impact upon China in the nineteenth century laid 
bare a decadent authoritarian system and marked the beginning of what is 
often called "the greatest changes in thousands of years" for China. A 
"self-strengthening movement" followed, but this aimed simply at 
appropriating the technology to build gunboats and other Western material 
objects. China's humiliating naval defeat at the hands of Japan in 1895 only 
confirmed the obsolescence of China's system of government. The first 
attempts at modern political change came with the ill-fated summer of 
reforms in 1898, but these were cruelly crushed by ultraconservatives at 
China's imperial court. With the revolution of 1911, which inaugurated 
Asia's first republic, the authoritarian imperial system that had lasted for 
centuries was finally supposed to have been laid to rest. But social 
conflict inside our country and external pressures were to prevent it; China 
fell into a patchwork of warlord fiefdoms and the new republic became a 
fleeting dream. 
 
The failure of both "self-strengthening" and political renovation caused 
many of our forebears to reflect deeply on whether a "cultural illness" was 
afflicting our country. This mood gave rise, during the May Fourth Movement 
of the late 1910s, to the championing of "science and democracy." Yet that 
effort, too, foundered as warlord chaos persisted and the Japanese invasion 
[beginning in Manchuria in 1931] brought national crisis. 
 
Victory over Japan in 1945 offered one more chance for China to move toward 
modern government, but the Communist defeat of the Nationalists in the civil 
war thrust the nation into the abyss of totalitarianism. The "new China" 
that emerged in 1949 proclaimed that "the people are sovereign" but in fact 
set up a system in which "the Party is all-powerful." The Communist Party of 
China seized control of all organs of the state and all political, economic, 
and social resources, and, using these, has produced a long trail of human 
rights disasters, including, among many others, the Anti-Rightist Campaign 
(1957), the Great Leap Forward (1958–1960), the Cultural Revolution 
(1966–1969), the June Fourth (Tiananmen Square) Massacre (1989), and the 
current repression of all unauthorized religions and the suppression of the 
weiquan rights movement [a movement that aims to defend citizens' rights 
promulgated in the Chinese Constitution and to fight for human rights 
recognized by international conventions that the Chinese government has 
signed]. During all this, the Chinese people have paid a gargantuan price. 
Tens of millions have lost their lives, and several generations have seen 
their freedom, their happiness, and their human dignity cruelly trampled. 
 
During the last two decades of the twentieth century the government policy 
of "Reform and Opening" gave the Chinese people relief from the pervasive 
poverty and totalitarianism of the Mao Zedong era and brought substantial 
increases in the wealth and living standards of many Chinese as well as a 
partial restoration of economic freedom and economic rights. Civil society 
began to grow, and popular calls for more rights and more political freedom 
have grown apace. As the ruling elite itself moved toward private ownership 
and the market economy, it began to shift from an outright rejection of 
"rights" to a partial acknowledgment of them. 
 
In 1998 the Chinese government signed two important international human 
rights conventions; in 2004 it amended its constitution to include the 
phrase "respect and protect human rights"; and this year, 2008, it has 
promised to promote a "national human rights action plan." Unfortunately 
most of this political progress has extended no further than the paper on 
which it is written. The political reality, which is plain for anyone to 
see, is that China has many laws but no rule of law; it has a constitution 
but no constitutional government. The ruling elite continues to cling to its 
authoritarian power and fights off any move toward political change. 
 
The stultifying results are endemic official corruption, an undermining of 
the rule of law, weak human rights, decay in public ethics, crony 
capitalism, growing inequality between the wealthy and the poor, pillage of 
the natural environment as well as of the human and historical environments, 
and the exacerbation of a long list of social conflicts, especially, in 
recent times, a sharpening animosity between officials and ordinary people. 
 
As these conflicts and crises grow ever more intense, and as the ruling 
elite continues with impunity to crush and to strip away the rights of 
citizens to freedom, to property, and to the pursuit of happiness, we see 
the powerless in our society—the vulnerable groups, the people who have been 
suppressed and monitored, who have suffered cruelty and even torture, and 
who have had no adequate avenues for their protests, no courts to hear their 
pleas—becoming more militant and raising the possibility of a violent 
conflict of disastrous proportions. The decline of the current system has 
reached the point where change is no longer optional. 
 
II. Our Fundamental Principles 
 
This is a historic moment for China, and our future hangs in the balance. In 
reviewing the political modernization process of the past hundred years or 
more, we reiterate and endorse basic universal values as follows: 
 
Freedom. Freedom is at the core of universal human values. Freedom of 
speech, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, freedom of association, 
freedom in where to live, and the freedoms to strike, to demonstrate, and to 
protest, among others, are the forms that freedom takes. Without freedom, 
China will always remain far from civilized ideals. 
 
Human rights. Human rights are not bestowed by a state. Every person is born 
with inherent rights to dignity and freedom. The government exists for the 
protection of the human rights of its citizens. The exercise of state power 
must be authorized by the people. The succession of political disasters in 
China's recent history is a direct consequence of the ruling regime's 
disregard for human rights. 
 
Equality. The integrity, dignity, and freedom of every person—regardless of 
social station, occupation, sex, economic condition, ethnicity, skin color, 
religion, or political belief—are the same as those of any other. Principles 
of equality before the law and equality of social, economic, cultural, 
civil, and political rights must be upheld. 
 
Republicanism. Republicanism, which holds that power should be balanced 
among different branches of government and competing interests should be 
served, resembles the traditional Chinese political ideal of "fairness in 
all under heaven." It allows different interest groups and social 
assemblies, and people with a variety of cultures and beliefs, to exercise 
democratic self-government and to deliberate in order to reach peaceful 
resolution of public questions on a basis of equal access to government and 
free and fair competition. 
 
Democracy. The most fundamental principles of democracy are that the people 
are sovereign and the people select their government. Democracy has these 
characteristics: (1) Political power begins with the people and the 
legitimacy of a regime derives from the people. (2) Political power is 
exercised through choices that the people make. (3) The holders of major 
official posts in government at all levels are determined through periodic 
competitive elections. (4) While honoring the will of the majority, the 
fundamental dignity, freedom, and human rights of minorities are protected. 
In short, democracy is a modern means for achieving government truly "of the 
people, by the people, and for the people." 
 
Constitutional rule. Constitutional rule is rule through a legal system and 
legal regulations to implement principles that are spelled out in a 
constitution. It means protecting the freedom and the rights of citizens, 
limiting and defining the scope of legitimate government power, and 
providing the administrative apparatus necessary to serve these ends. 
 
III. What We Advocate 
 
Authoritarianism is in general decline throughout the world; in China, too, 
the era of emperors and overlords is on the way out. The time is arriving 
everywhere for citizens to be masters of states. For China the path that 
leads out of our current predicament is to divest ourselves of the 
authoritarian notion of reliance on an "enlightened overlord" or an "honest 
official" and to turn instead toward a system of liberties, democracy, and 
the rule of law, and toward fostering the consciousness of modern citizens 
who see rights as fundamental and participation as a duty. Accordingly, and 
in a spirit of this duty as responsible and constructive citizens, we offer 
the following recommendations on national governance, citizens' rights, and 
social development: 
 
1. A New Constitution. We should recast our present constitution, rescinding 
its provisions that contradict the principle that sovereignty resides with 
the people and turning it into a document that genuinely guarantees human 
rights, authorizes the exercise of public power, and serves as the legal 
underpinning of China's democratization. The constitution must be the 
highest law in the land, beyond violation by any individual, group, or 
political party. 
 
2. Separation of powers. We should construct a modern government in which 
the separation of legislative, judicial, and executive power is guaranteed. 
We need an Administrative Law that defines the scope of government 
responsibility and prevents abuse of administrative power. Government should 
be responsible to taxpayers. Division of power between provincial 
governments and the central government should adhere to the principle that 
central powers are only those specifically granted by the constitution and 
all other powers belong to the local governments. 
 
3. Legislative democracy. Members of legislative bodies at all levels should 
be chosen by direct election, and legislative democracy should observe just 
and impartial principles. 
 
4. An Independent Judiciary. The rule of law must be above the interests of 
any particular political party and judges must be independent. We need to 
establish a constitutional supreme court and institute procedures for 
constitutional review. As soon as possible, we should abolish all of the 
Committees on Political and Legal Affairs that now allow Communist Party 
officials at every level to decide politically-sensitive cases in advance 
and out of court. We should strictly forbid the use of public offices for 
private purposes. 
 
5. Public Control of Public Servants. The military should be made answerable 
to the national government, not to a political party, and should be made 
more professional. Military personnel should swear allegiance to the 
constitution and remain nonpartisan. Political party organizations shall be 
prohibited in the military. All public officials including police should 
serve as nonpartisans, and the current practice of favoring one political 
party in the hiring of public servants must end. 
 
6. Guarantee of Human Rights. There shall be strict guarantees of human 
rights and respect for human dignity. There should be a Human Rights 
Committee, responsible to the highest legislative body, that will prevent 
the government from abusing public power in violation of human rights. A 
democratic and constitutional China especially must guarantee the personal 
freedom of citizens. No one shall suffer illegal arrest, detention, 
arraignment, interrogation, or punishment. The system of "Reeducation 
through Labor" must be abolished. 
 
7. Election of Public Officials. There shall be a comprehensive system of 
democratic elections based on "one person, one vote." The direct election of 
administrative heads at the levels of county, city, province, and nation 
should be systematically implemented. The rights to hold periodic free 
elections and to participate in them as a citizen are inalienable. 
 
8. Rural–Urban Equality. The two-tier household registry system must be 
abolished. This system favors urban residents and harms rural residents. We 
should establish instead a system that gives every citizen the same 
constitutional rights and the same freedom to choose where to live. 
 
9. Freedom to Form Groups. The right of citizens to form groups must be 
guaranteed. The current system for registering nongovernment groups, which 
requires a group to be "approved," should be replaced by a system in which a 
group simply registers itself. The formation of political parties should be 
governed by the constitution and the laws, which means that we must abolish 
the special privilege of one party to monopolize power and must guarantee 
principles of free and fair competition among political parties. 
 
10. Freedom to Assemble. The constitution provides that peaceful assembly, 
demonstration, protest, and freedom of expression are fundamental rights of 
a citizen. The ruling party and the government must not be permitted to 
subject these to illegal interference or unconstitutional obstruction. 
 
11. Freedom of Expression. We should make freedom of speech, freedom of the 
press, and academic freedom universal, thereby guaranteeing that citizens 
can be informed and can exercise their right of political supervision. These 
freedoms should be upheld by a Press Law that abolishes political 
restrictions on the press. The provision in the current Criminal Law that 
refers to "the crime of incitement to subvert state power" must be 
abolished. We should end the practice of viewing words as crimes. 
 
12. Freedom of Religion. We must guarantee freedom of religion and belief 
and institute a separation of religion and state. There must be no 
governmental interference in peaceful religious activities. We should 
abolish any laws, regulations, or local rules that limit or suppress the 
religious freedom of citizens. We should abolish the current system that 
requires religious groups (and their places of worship) to get official 
approval in advance and substitute for it a system in which registry is 
optional and, for those who choose to register, automatic. 
 
13. Civic Education. In our schools we should abolish political curriculums 
and examinations that are designed to indoctrinate students in state 
ideology and to instill support for the rule of one party. We should replace 
them with civic education that advances universal values and citizens' 
rights, fosters civic consciousness, and promotes civic virtues that serve 
society. 
 
14. Protection of Private Property. We should establish and protect the 
right to private property and promote an economic system of free and fair 
markets. We should do away with government monopolies in commerce and 
industry and guarantee the freedom to start new enterprises. We should 
establish a Committee on State-Owned Property, reporting to the national 
legislature, that will monitor the transfer of state-owned enterprises to 
private ownership in a fair, competitive, and orderly manner. We should 
institute a land reform that promotes private ownership of land, guarantees 
the right to buy and sell land, and allows the true value of private 
property to be adequately reflected in the market. 
 
15. Financial and Tax Reform. We should establish a democratically regulated 
and accountable system of public finance that ensures the protection of 
taxpayer rights and that operates through legal procedures. We need a system 
by which public revenues that belong to a certain level of 
government—central, provincial, county or local—are controlled at that 
level. We need major tax reform that will abolish any unfair taxes, simplify 
the tax system, and spread the tax burden fairly. Government officials 
should not be able to raise taxes, or institute new ones, without public 
deliberation and the approval of a democratic assembly. We should reform the 
ownership system in order to encourage competition among a wider variety of 
market participants. 
 
16. Social Security. We should establish a fair and adequate social security 
system that covers all citizens and ensures basic access to education, 
health care, retirement security, and employment. 
 
17. Protection of the Environment. We need to protect the natural 
environment and to promote development in a way that is sustainable and 
responsible to our descendents and to the rest of humanity. This means 
insisting that the state and its officials at all levels not only do what 
they must do to achieve these goals, but also accept the supervision and 
participation of non-governmental organizations. 
 
18. A Federated Republic. A democratic China should seek to act as a 
responsible major power contributing toward peace and development in the 
Asian Pacific region by approaching others in a spirit of equality and 
fairness. In Hong Kong and Macao, we should support the freedoms that 
already exist. With respect to Taiwan, we should declare our commitment to 
the principles of freedom and democracy and then, negotiating as equals, and 
ready to compromise, seek a formula for peaceful unification. We should 
approach disputes in the national-minority areas of China with an open mind, 
seeking ways to find a workable framework within which all ethnic and 
religious groups can flourish. We should aim ultimately at a federation of 
democratic communities of China. 
 
19. Truth in Reconciliation. We should restore the reputations of all 
people, including their family members, who suffered political stigma in the 
political campaigns of the past or who have been labeled as criminals 
because of their thought, speech, or faith. The state should pay reparations 
to these people. All political prisoners and prisoners of conscience must be 
released. There should be a Truth Investigation Commission charged with 
finding the facts about past injustices and atrocities, determining 
responsibility for them, upholding justice, and, on these bases, seeking 
social reconciliation. 
 
China, as a major nation of the world, as one of five permanent members of 
the United Nations Security Council, and as a member of the UN Council on 
Human Rights, should be contributing to peace for humankind and progress 
toward human rights. Unfortunately, we stand today as the only country among 
the major nations that remains mired in authoritarian politics. Our 
political system continues to produce human rights disasters and social 
crises, thereby not only constricting China's own development but also 
limiting the progress of all of human civilization. This must change, truly 
it must. The democratization of Chinese politics can be put off no longer. 
 
Accordingly, we dare to put civic spirit into practice by announcing Charter 
08. We hope that our fellow citizens who feel a similar sense of crisis, 
responsibility, and mission, whether they are inside the government or not, 
and regardless of their social status, will set aside small differences to 
embrace the broad goals of this citizens' movement. Together we can work for 
major changes in Chinese society and for the rapid establishment of a free, 
democratic, and constitutional country. We can bring to reality the goals 
and ideals that our people have incessantly been seeking for more than a 
hundred years, and can bring a brilliant new chapter to Chinese 
civilization. 
signed by: 
Yu Haocheng(Beijing, Jurist) 
Zhang Sizhi(Beijing, Lawyer) 
Mao Yushi(Beijing, Economist) 
(Du Guang(Beijing, Political Scientist) 
Li Pu(Beijing, Ex Vice-director Xinhua News Agency) 
Liu Shahe( Sichuan, Poet) 
Sha Yexin(Shanghai, Dramatist) 
Wu Maohua(Sichuan, Writer) 
Zhang Xianyang(Beijing, Thinker) 
Sun Wenguang( Shandong, Professor) 
Bao Tong(Beijing, Citizen) 
Ding Zilin(Beijing, Professor) 
Zhang Xianling(Beijing, Engineer) 
Xu Jue(Beijing, Researcher) 
Jiang Peikun( Beijing, Professor) 
Liu Xiaobo(Beijing, Writer) 
Zhang Zuhua(Beijing, Scholar) 
Gao Yu(Beijing, Journalist) 
Dai Qing(Beijing, Writer) 
Jiang Qisheng(Beijing, Scholar) 
Ai Xiaoming(Guangzhou, Professor) 
Liu Junning(Beijing, Political Scientist) 
Zhang Xukun(Zhejiang, Professor) 
Xu Youyu(Beijing, Philosopher) 
He Weifang( Beijing, Jurist) 
Mo Shaoping(Beijing, Lawyer) 
Chen Ziming(Beijing, Scholar) 
Zhang Boshu(Beijing, Political Scientist) 
Cui Weiping(Beijing, Scholar) 
He Guanghu(Beijing, Religion Scholar) 
Hao Jian(Beijing, Scholar) 
Shen Minhua( Zhejiang, Professor) 
Li Datong(Beijing, Journalist) 
Su Xianting(Beijing, Art Critic) 
Zhang Ming(Beijing, Professor) 
Yu Jie(Beijing, Writer) 
Yu Shicun(Beijing, Writer) 
Qin Geng(Hainan, Writer) 
Zhou Duo(Beijing, Scholar) 
Pu Zhiqiang(Beijing, Lawyer) 
Zhao Dagong(Beijing, Writer) 
Yao Lifa( Hubei, Election expert) 
Feng Zhenghu(Shanghai, Scholar) 
Zhou Qing(Beijing, Writer) 
Yang Hengjun(Guangzhou, Writer) 
Teng Biao( Beijing, Lecturer) 
Jiang Danwen(Shanghai, Writer) 
Wei SeTibet, Writer 
Ma Bo( Beijing, Writer) 
Cha Jianying(Beijing, Writer) 
Hu Fayun(Hubei, Writer) 
Jiao Guobiao(Beijing, Scholar) 
Li Gongming(Guangdong, Professor) 
Zhao Hui(Beijing, Critic) 
Li Baiguang(Beijing, Lawyer) 
Fu Guoyong(Zhejiang, Writer) 
Ma Shaofang(Guangdong, Businessman) 
Zhang Hong (Shanghai, Professor) 
Xia Yeliang(Beijing, Economist) 
Ran Yunfei(Sichuan, Scholar) 
Liao Yiwu(Sichuan, Writer) 
Wang Yi( Sichuan, Scholar) 
Wang Xiaoyu(Shanghai, Scholar) 
Su Yuanzhen(Zhejiang, Professor) 
Qiang Jianzhong(Nanjing, Senior Journalist) 
Ouyang Xiaorong(Yunnan, Poet) 
Liu Di(Beijing, Self-empolyed) 
Zan Aizong(Zhejiang, Journalist) 
Zhou Hongling(Beijing, Social Activist) 
( ) Feng Gang (Zhejiang, Professor) 
Chen Lin( Guangzhou, Scholar) 
Yin Xian(Gansu, Poet) 
Zhou Ming(Zhejiang, Professor) 
Ling Cangzhou(Beijing, Journalist) 
Tie Liu(Beijing, Writer) 
Chen Fengxiao (Shandong, Rightist ) 
Yao Bo( Beijing, Critic) 
Zhang Jinjun(Guangdong, Professional manager) 
Li Jianhong( Shanghai, Writer) 
Zhang Shanguang(Hunan, Human rights Defender) 
Li Deming(Hunan Media Worker) 
Liu Jianan (Hunan, Teacher) 
Wang Xiaoshan(Beijing, Media worker) 
Fan Yafeng(Beijing, Scholar) 
Zhou Mingchu( Zhejiang, Professor) 
Liang Xiaoyan(Beijing, Enviromental Volunteer) 
Xu Xiao(Beijing, Writer) 
Chen Xi(Guizhou, Human rights Defender) 
Zhao Cheng(Shanxi, Scholar) 
Li Yuanlong(Guizhou, Freelance Writer) 
Shen Youlian(Guizhou, Human rights Defender) 
Jiang Suimin(Beijing, Engineer) 
Lu Zhongming(Shanxi, Scholar) 
Meng Huang(Beijing, Painter) 
Lin Fuwu(Fujian, Human rights Defender) 
Liao Shuangyuan(Guizhou, Human rights Defender) 
Lu Xuesong(Jilin, Teacher) 
Guo Yushan( Beijing, Scholar) 
Chen Huanhui(Fujian, Human rights Defender) 
Zhu Jiuhu(Beijing, Lawyer) 
Jin GuangHong(Beijing, Lawyer) 
Gao Chaoqun(Beijing, Editor) 
Bai Feng(Jilin, Poet) 
Zheng Xuguang(Beijing, Scholar) 
Zeng Jinyan(Beijing, Rights Defender) 
Wu Yuqin(Guizhou, Human rights Defender) 
Du Yilong(Shanxi, Writer) 
Li Hai(Beijing, Human Rights.. 
[21:48:08] zhoubapiの発言: The attach is the Charter 08,which sent out in the world human rights date by China intellectual.I also one of undersigneds.Initiator Liu Xiaobo was already imprisoned.Hoped that you can pay attention to.Also hoped that you can mobilize your country the scholar and the populace participate in the signature, supports China's democratic progress and rescue Dr.Liu xiaobo.I am also willing to accept the media interview for this matter .Thanks very much for you help. 
My telphone is 0049——02422902437,0049-015772128260.Keep in touch!Thank you very much! 
All the best, 
ZhouQing 
 
您好!这是中国知识分子最近在世界人权日发出的08宪章宣言(随附宣言英文稿),我也是签名人之一,现在发起人刘晓波博士已被当局关押,情势十份危急,希望您能关注!劳驾您能动员贵国的学者和民众参与签名支持中国的民主进程,营救刘晓波博士,你的帮助对他的安危至关重要!同事也可联络你熟悉的媒体,我愿就此事接受采访,我现在在国的波尔基金会作驻会作家,电话0049——02422902437,手机0049-015772128260,期待着您的关注与回复!周勍 


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